The Parliamentary Commission established within the framework of the Peace and Democratic Society Process is holding its first meeting today, officially launching its work. The general sentiment regarding the commission’s activities can be described as one of cautious optimism.
The optimism stems from this reality: at the current stage of the Third World War, Turkey has no choice but to democratize and transform into a democratic republic if it is to exist and remain influential. The recent war between Israel and Iran, as well as the intensifying political and military struggles in Syria, have made this necessity crystal clear. There is no doubt that the path forward lies in resolving the Kurdish question on the basis of freedom and democracy. Anyone who truly cares about Turkey and can view its future without self-interest clearly sees this truth.
The concern, however, comes from the continued presence of those who view today’s events and Turkey’s future through the lens of their own personal or factional interests, and from the possibility that such individuals may exert influence over the work of the commission. On this issue, Kurds express their emotions and views openly: “We trust Abdullah Öcalan, but we do not trust the state or the ruling Justice and Development Party.” This sentiment, in various tones, prevails across nearly every part of Turkey.
Undoubtedly, this cautious outlook is not without reason. First and foremost, despite the fact that the Kurdish side, specifically the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), declared its dissolution, ended its armed struggle strategy, and symbolically burned its weapons in front of the world on July 11, the state and the ruling Justice and Development Party have done little beyond offering pleasant words and forming a parliamentary commission whose role and intentions remain unclear. In other words, what has been done so far amounts to little more than echoing the voice of the “axe-wielder,” so to speak.
Moreover, the state and the government have continued their existing policies and practices without change. The repression and exploitation carried out under the name of “combating terrorism” have not diminished; in fact, they have intensified. Police forces, special units, and village guards continue to spread terror across the region. New lawsuits are filed every day for arbitrary reasons, and dozens of people are detained. Pressure on opposition parties, especially the Republican People’s Party (CHP), continues with the aim of rendering them incapable of being an alternative force. Femicide, deforestation, environmental destruction, and the appointment of government trustees in place of elected municipal officials all persist. Most critically, as seen in the case of Syria, there has been no change in the government’s anti-Kurdish stance or its support for jihadist groups. In short, Turkey and Kurdistan, its land and its people are in the midst of a deep and ongoing fire.
What erodes the trust of Kurds and other peoples is precisely the actions of the state and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. In its current form, the AKP government openly lies in front of the entire public, its words and its practices do not align. It appears that, if it can manage, it aims to drag the process along in this manner in order to preserve its decaying rule.
Of course, the AKP government has the right to behave this way. The world we live in is one of interests, and acting according to its own political interests is, undeniably, within its rights. It seems that beyond exposing and criticizing this stance, there is little else to be done. So then, who or what can we hold accountable? Clearly, we must look at the words and actions of those who are harmed by this government, and it is there that we can raise questions and express expectations.
From this perspective, what do we see in this process? It is clear that there is a level of discomfort and opposition to the actions of the state and the government. However, this opposition has not sufficiently translated into concrete action. It lacks unity and has yet to evolve into a democratic popular movement. In the current situation, opposition to the AKP regime largely remains at the level of rhetoric. Statements condemning the government have become the most common form of protest. In other words, a unified democratic struggle and social resistance have not yet emerged or gained momentum.
There is no doubt that words have power, but only to a certain extent. They serve to expose and reveal the truth. However, if the awareness expressed through words does not transform into organization and action, it eventually turns into a cycle of complaint, or worse, into a passive state of waiting and asking the state or government to act.
Indeed, the opposition to the government’s current practices, particularly those carried out as part of state violence, is barely surpassing the level of complaint. Even more troubling, it mostly manifests as a constant expectation that solutions will come from the state or those in power. It fails to become a forceful mass movement that demands democratic solutions and shakes the foundations of the ruling power.
So, what should be done in such a situation? Certainly, awareness and political messaging have value and can provide direction. Social education and organization are developed on this basis. But if this awareness and messaging do not transform into organization and action, they lose their impact and fail to fulfill their role. Therefore, it is essential to know how to turn efforts to expose the current order and educate the masses into organizing people and mobilizing them into action. For the current mindset, policies, and practices to truly change and transform, there must always be a struggle for a democratic society. Such a social resistance is absolutely necessary for the Peace and Democratic Society Process to progress on a foundation of success, and for the newly formed Parliamentary Commission to function correctly and meaningfully.
It is becoming increasingly clear that an organized, unified, and effective social resistance is essential in order to change the current political order in Turkey, an order that has become a burden for everyone and is visibly in decline. Such resistance is necessary for the success of the Peace and Democratic Society Process, for democratizing Turkey, and for ensuring the freedom of the Kurdish people. Even getting the current government to take a few democratic steps will only be possible through this kind of struggle. Likewise, for the newly established Parliamentary Commission to function properly and meaningfully, a powerful social movement is required. All of this clearly reveals how crucial democratic struggle and social resistance are in the current political context.
So, what is needed for such a social resistance to emerge? Undoubtedly, society must be broadly educated and organized. As is well known, the masses do not educate or organize themselves spontaneously. This task falls to organized leadership. This is precisely the meaning and function of democratic politics. However, despite the large number of individuals and groups who claim to represent democratic political forces, these essential responsibilities are still not being fulfilled. Why? Because educational and organizational efforts are not being carried out correctly or at a sufficient level. Instead of developing communal life and collective labor, which form the very essence and foundation of democratic society, through criticism and rejection of all liberal, individualistic, and materialist tendencies, the current atmosphere is allowing individualism and materialism, which should be rejected and overcome, to grow even stronger.
A correct and holistic approach to education, organization, and mobilization efforts yields real results. Of course, such work requires great persistence and effort. In this sense, the August 15, 1984 Guerrilla Offensive, now marking its 41st anniversary, serves as a powerful example. This historic initiative, carried out under the most difficult conditions, succeeded through the unity of education, organization, and action. Although the guerrilla struggle has played its historical role and has now given way to the democratic society struggle, its most important lesson remains: resistance, when carried out in the right way, leads to victory. Therefore, the current process can only succeed through effective and well-organized social resistance. Even today, on its 41st anniversary, the lessons of the 15 August 1984 Guerrilla Offensive continue to illuminate our path.
With the hope that these lessons will be understood correctly and applied successfully in the new phase of the struggle, we extend our heartfelt congratulations to our people on this historic and monumental uprising. In the memory of the immortal Commander Agit, we honor all the martyrs of this heroic resistance with deep respect and gratitude.
Source: Yeni Özgür Politika
Source: ANF News
