Awarded the 2024 Nobel Prize in Economics for their work on the formation of institutions and their impact on prosperity, Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson explore the future of states, societies, and freedom in their co-authored book The Narrow Corridor. The preface is dedicated to what they describe as one of the greatest humanitarian disasters of our time: the Syrian crisis. In the section titled The Narrow Corridor to Freedom, they write: “For freedom to emerge and thrive, both the state and society must be strong. A strong state is needed to prevent violence, enforce laws, and provide essential public services that enable people to make their own choices. But there must also be a strong and active society, one that can monitor and restrain the state…”
These sentences point to a universal truth that transcends ideological debate. The narrow corridor between the chaos of statelessness and the tyranny of unchecked power now defines the most critical equation shaping the fate of Syria, and more specifically, of Rojava.
Anyone closely following the Syrian crisis can see that the war has entered a new phase. The massacres carried out by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in Druze and Alawite villages, the mass attacks in Suwayda (Sweida), and the forced displacement of civilians all reveal that the civil war is far from over and carries an ever-growing risk of deepening further. In his article titled What Does Each Actor Want in Syria?, published by ANF on 30 July 2025, Zeki Bedran describes the situation starkly: “The mentality of HTS remains unchanged no matter how much it is polished. They unleash beheading squads on the people.”
This reality and risk, on which there is broad consensus, also reflects a notable level of political maturity on the part of Rojava’s political leadership, showing that it is neither mistaken nor complacent in its assessments.
The attacks in Suwayda and its surrounding areas following the formation of a provisional government aligned with HTS are not simply acts of terror. They are part of a deliberate strategy aimed at subjugating the Druze population and changing the region’s demographics through fear and violence. While these massacres have drawn condemnation in the United States and Europe, and prompted direct intervention by Israel, Turkey’s efforts to legitimize HTS and its refusal to denounce the atrocities stand out as a clear reflection of a shared mindset.
All of this points to a single, stark truth: If the Kurds in Rojava abandon self-defense, they will be left directly exposed to massacre.
Even the mere discussion of weakening the parameters of self-defense in technical terms, or dissolving the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) under the guise of “integration”, poses a serious risk. It could very well mark the beginning of the end. For this reason, Kurdish diplomacy must step into this new phase with a spirit of courage and determination. At the same time, the Kurdish community must be called upon to remain vigilant. All political actors in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan (Bakur) should understand clearly that any step that weakens Rojava’s defense amounts to a historic act of self-destruction. The fact that the political developments unfolding in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan are running parallel to those in Rojava is no coincidence. Rojava must remain the top priority, because the future of Rojava is, in a broader sense, the future of Kurdistan as a whole.
Indeed, Turkey’s sole geopolitical priority is to leave the Kurds in Rojava without any political status. Ankara’s Syria policy has become unambiguously clear:
1. To strip the Kurds of political status
2. To dismantle the Autonomous Administration
3. To eliminate the SDF
To achieve this objective, Ankara continues both its military occupations on the ground and its diplomatic pressure at the negotiation table. It uses its NATO membership as leverage, placing the gains of the Kurdish people on the bargaining table with the United States and Europe.
Yet the people of Rojava have been governing themselves for over a decade. Built on women’s leadership and organized through communes and councils, this system does not seek to establish a separate state. Rather, it proposes a democratic, decentralized model for Syria. Observers familiar with the Middle East widely acknowledge the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria as a viable and constructive model. Turkey’s imposed disarmament is not just a call for military weakening, it is an attempt to dismantle that model entirely.
Today, the most critical diplomatic axis for Syria’s future is centered in Paris. France is not only involved from a humanitarian perspective but also plays an active role in the security of the Mediterranean, in migration policy, and in the strategic energy routes of what is historically referred to as “Le Levant”, covering Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, Palestine, and partly the Hatay region. The planned Paris talks between Damascus and the SDF-Autonomous Administration were postponed due to pressure from Turkey. For Kurdish diplomacy, Paris now represents both a vital opportunity and a race against time.
Throughout both recent and distant history, France has played an enduring role, at times supportive, at other times damaging, across all parts of Kurdistan. Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, France has once again assumed this role in a serious and active manner. At this critical historical juncture, it is worth remembering how Kurdish diplomacy, shaped by young and determined hearts, emerged, particularly during and after the Kobane resistance, through its impact on public opinion and its development of political relations.
The clearest outcome of the negotiations unfolding in the shadow of Paris is this: there is a concerted effort to leave the Kurds without political status. The only way to counter this strategy is to maintain self-defense and to intensify diplomatic pressure. Today, Paris stands out as a key center for both Rojava and Southern Kurdistan (Başur); special focus and effort must be directed there.
In a moment when massacres against Druze and Alawite communities are unfolding in plain sight, any disarmament of the Kurds would amount to historical suicide. Abandoning self-defense would only invite a new wave of massacres.
Relying on the temporary balances of international powers has, in the past, led to disaster, as seen in Halabja and Shengal. The same risk remains today.
Today in Syria, the Kurds form not only the backbone of the resistance defending their own people, but also a protective shield for minorities ranging from Druze to Syriacs. If that backbone is broken, Syria will plunge into a new darkness.
Ultimately, if the process unfolding across Turkey and Northern Kurdistan does not become overly interventionist, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria holds a strong potential to emerge as a model for all of Syria. The people of Rojava, with over a decade of self-governance, have built more than just a line of defense, they represent the narrow corridor to peace and democratization in the Middle East. For the Kurds, calls for disarmament do not reflect the reality on the ground; rather, they risk becoming the prelude to a new catastrophe.
Source: ANF News
