Hasan Koçer, Deputy Co-Chair of the Executive Council of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, spoke to ANF on the anniversary of the Rojava Revolution and shared his views on recent developments in Syria.
The Rojava Revolution began in Kobanê on July 19, 2012, and has continued for 13 years. Could you briefly tell us the story of this revolution?
Firstly, the July 19 Revolution is now entering its 13th year. A unique and determined struggle has been carried out, and many people have lost their lives to bring the revolution to this stage. We remember all the martyrs of this revolution with great respect and bow before them.
To understand the revolution correctly and adequately, it is essential to know what was done before it began. As you know, the nationalist and chauvinist approach of the Ba’ath regime, especially toward the Kurdish people, but also targeting all other communities, led to strong internal reactions. To be honest, the Ba’ath system did not collapse due to external intervention. It fell apart from within because it failed to form a social contract with the people of Syria. Through intelligence operations, arbitrary arrests, repression of social life, and especially by denying the language and culture of the Kurdish people and others, the regime enforced a nationalist, assimilationist policy. This policy, as is well known, resulted in the uprising (serhildan) in Qamishlo in 2004, when the regime attempted to suppress the Kurdish people through ethnic chauvinism and to break their will. That uprising marked the beginning of a long process that brought us to where we are today.
The values and cultural richness of the peoples of Syria were not recognized by this regime. Therefore, it first lost its legitimacy internally, and the revolution began as a result. On March 15, 2011, peaceful demonstrations started in order to protect Syria’s multi-ethnic structure and to demand a democratic system. However, these uprisings were quickly diverted into a military path by external actors. They co-opted some groups and dragged the Syrian people into a prolonged war. Now, 13 years have passed, and we are entering the 14th year. Death and massacres followed. The political vacuum prevented the recognition of the rights of Syria’s peoples, and groups like ISIS and other mercenaries took advantage of this. All of this further deepened the crisis and created more devastation.
From the Kurdish perspective, the uprising did not take the same form as those seen elsewhere in Syria. Other movements were largely dependent on outside forces and often served the interests of the Turkish state and various international powers. In contrast, the Rojava Revolution defended itself with its own resources, with the strength of its own children, and through its own capacity for organization. It built a grassroots social system among the peoples of North and East Syria. Moreover, the revolution did not remain limited to Rojava, but also liberated other areas from the grip of ISIS, laying the groundwork for a democratic and communal order. Despite facing tremendous attacks, the revolution managed to develop a deeply rooted political and social struggle.
I remember the early months of 2011, there were very intense assaults. These were not yet military attacks targeting Rojava directly but instead came in the form of media warfare and disinformation. Some Kurdish forces, together with the Turkish state, launched these as part of a special warfare strategy. They spread propaganda claiming that Rojava and the Democratic Union Party (PYD) were affiliated with the Ba’ath regime, that no revolution had taken place, and that the movement was merely serving the existing regime. The goal was to delegitimize our revolution. But they failed, because the people believed in our methods of organization. We were not merely shouting slogans or making empty declarations. This revolution was founded upon the paradigm of Abdullah Öcalan, not on the model of traditional revolutions. It was not about capturing the state or seizing power. It followed the principles developed by Mr. Öcalan. According to that vision, a revolution is not about toppling one state only to establish another. The essence of revolution lies in organizing society itself. That is the fundamental principle: to build a democratic society and, from within that society, to develop a democratic system. This is what we have truly aimed to achieve.
What does this revolution mean for the peoples of North and East Syria, and what are its core principles? What kind of social transformation and achievements have taken place since it began?
The changes we have witnessed and the principles we have relied on in this revolution are fundamentally based on two pillars: organizing a democratic society rooted in women’s freedom and leadership and developing an ecological society. These were the foundations on which the revolution was built. Even though there have been shortcomings, communes were organized, assemblies were formed, and a system of governance was established on this basis. Subsequently, military attacks were launched to undermine the revolution. Since 2013, these attacks have never ceased. Despite a change in regime in Syria, the assaults on the Rojava Revolution persist. Nationalist and religious propaganda and attacks continue against this revolution because our system rejects both religious fundamentalism, nationalism, and patriarchy. There is no place for these in our model. We were able to unite all peoples of the region. We broke the nationalism and chauvinism that the Ba’ath regime had institutionalized. Arab, Kurdish, and Syriac peoples fought together in the same trenches; their blood mixed. A joint system of governance was developed both politically and organizationally. Despite the hostility between communities that the Ba’ath regime tried to deepen, we revealed a significant truth: that Arabs, Kurds, and Syriacs can live together and govern together. This is a major success and has become a model for the Middle East. In which Middle Eastern country do different peoples live and govern together in this way? You will not find one. Because the statist, nation-state mentality insists that one nation must dominate others, and the rest must serve the dominant one, or, if they do not, they will be culturally erased, subjected to genocide and assimilation. This is the system that prevails across the region. But in Rojava, we developed a new model, a democratic system based on pluralism and diversity. Although the past thirteen years have not been without shortcomings, our strategy and revolution have been correct. The revolution has moved forward in the right direction because it is grounded in the paradigm and strategy of Abdullah Öcalan, which proposes a new revolutionary philosophy. This revolution is not like the old ones. In the past, what did revolutions look like? They simply removed one dictator and replaced them with another. That is not a revolution; that is merely a change of face at the top of the same system, which brings no real transformation in society. The so-called revolution in Syria followed that pattern and still does. What has truly changed in Syria since the former regime was replaced? In fact, the new regime is now doing things the previous Ba’ath regime never even dared to do.
What steps are you taking to extend this model across Syria?
This revolution has, of course, had an impact on all of Syria. Right now everyone is saying, “This revolution can save us; only through this revolution can we save ourselves.” The existing system in Syria is monist, religiously driven and exclusionary. All across the country, people are saying, “We must base ourselves on the Autonomous Administration model, on the July 19 Revolution. However it organizes itself, in defense, in self-organization, from communes and assemblies to municipalities, we too must organize ourselves on this basis.” Everyone says this. Every community wants to take our regions, North and East Syria, as a model and wants to see this model developed across Syria. Without developing this model in Syria, there will be no stability in Syria. What we have seen in recent days only confirms this.
The fundamental reason the Ba’ath regime collapsed was its centralism. If centralism is insisted upon again, stability will not take root in Syria. Centralism in Syria means deepening crisis. The peoples of Syria do not accept this. For thirteen to fourteen years, a revolution has been under way; homes have been destroyed, thousands have been martyred, millions have left the country. How can there be a return to the old Ba’ath system? It cannot happen.
Do you have an initiative to establish a democratic front across Syria?
We want to build a democratic front together with Arab, Druze, Alawite, and other peoples. The people of Syria are united and must together form a democratic front. A decentralized democratic mindset and system should be established in Syria, and the existing state should serve as a structure that facilitates coordination and relations among these entities. The state’s insistence on maintaining the old centralized system remains a major problem for the peoples of Syria. If this continues, it would mean the Syrian revolution would have to start all over again. Just as people rose up against the Ba’ath regime, if centralism persists, the same dynamic will repeat itself.
The July 19 Revolution sparked hope not only within Syria, but across the world. Many internationalist individuals joined the Rojava Revolution, some fought in the military forces and became martyrs, while others continue to take part in the revolution. This shows that our model of revolution is a new and unique one. Even communities in Europe were inspired by it, not just the peoples of the Middle East. That is why the more we develop and strengthen this model, the greater its impact will be.
What are the main threats you face as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in ensuring the security of the region? On March 10, 2025, you signed an eight-point agreement with the Syrian Interim Government to guarantee the rights of ethnic, religious, and cultural communities in Syria. However, the announced constitution and newly formed interim government failed to include these communities, especially in light of massacres targeting Alawites and Druze. What would you like to say on this matter?
When the Ba’ath regime was first overthrown, the people of Syria said, “The revolution has won,” and they rejoiced. However, after the massacres targeting the Alawites and now the Druze, that joy turned bitter. It does not inspire confidence, because there are many groups involved from outside Syria, and this is unacceptable. The Turkistanis and Uyghurs have no place in Syria, and their presence only exacerbates the problem. If the Damascus government wants to resolve the issues in Syria, it must set limits on these groups, because they are carrying out large-scale massacres against the Syrian people. How are the peoples of Syria supposed to trust this order and sit down with them to build a Syrian state together? Unless it gains legitimacy in the eyes of the Syrian people, it cannot build a state alone. Unless it is viewed as legitimate by the people of Syria, it will not be able to establish a system. Therefore, these groups must be curbed, and this was explicitly included among the items of the agreement and alliance signed on March 10. As the Autonomous Administration, our fundamental strategy and goal are precisely this: to preserve the unity of the Syrian peoples, the territorial integrity of Syria, and its pluralistic nature. This was also the case in our previous initiatives before this alliance. We do not have an agenda to partition Syria. Many people make such claims, and through social media and the press, extremely negative propaganda is being spread in this direction. These efforts are intentional. They want to discredit the people of North and East Syria and the Autonomous Administration. They say, “They want to divide Syria and create a state within a state.” These claims are not true. Establishing a state is not our goal. In fact, the state is contrary to our strategy. We need a democratic system because the peoples of Syria are deeply interwoven; Arab and Kurdish peoples live side by side. You cannot build a system based on ethnicity or racism. What you need to build is a democratic system. But with its current actions, the Damascus government is losing its legitimacy. The attacks against Alawites have caused it to lose legitimacy in the eyes of the Alawite community. In fact, other communities no longer trust it either. How could the people accept them into their ranks and allow them to carry out massacres? That is simply not possible.
The people of Syria are deeply disturbed by the recent attacks against the Druze community. Their dignity is being trampled. They are not being killed outright, but they are being made to live as if dead. Their mustaches are being shaved off, their culture is being mocked, and this is unacceptable. The Druze have been subjected to things worse than death. Many civilians have been martyred, perhaps not through massacres as extensive as those committed against the Alawites, but a cultural genocide is being carried out. Their sheikhs were captured and humiliated. Where has this ever been seen? What kind of conduct is this? This cannot be accepted. The people of Syria reject this and will resist it. How can you stand in front of people and violate their dignity when you should be showing them respect? Religion means respect. If you claim to be a Muslim, then know that this has nothing to do with Islam. The Prophet treated even a child with respect. Yet you cut people’s mustaches and attack their culture and then you turn around and say, “The Syrian people are one”? That is not how democracy is built. The same groups that carried out the massacres against the Alawites were involved in these massacres too. Were you not supposed to hold them accountable? Human rights organizations demanded accountability. You were supposed to publish a report but until now, no report has been released. And on top of that, a massacre was committed against the Druze. These things are unacceptable. A government cannot be formed in this way.
As the people of North and East Syria, we have previously made our position clear: unless Syria is democratized and a democratic constitution is developed, the people of Syria will not be able to trust you. After the massacres of Alawites and Druze, neither the Druze nor the Alawites will accept this, nor will the peoples of North and East Syria. A very dirty politics is being carried out. Even in the Middle Ages, such things did not exist. They call themselves the “General Security” forces, yet they arrest people and humiliate them. This approach is unacceptable. With such conduct, you cannot build a state based on a constitution and the rule of law. A mindset that violates human dignity cannot accomplish this. For this reason, we support the resistance of the Druze people. We do not accept any attack against the peoples of Syria. We have clearly stated our position. We do not accept and we condemn the attacks carried out against the Druze in Sweida (Suwayda). We stand with the people of Sweida; we support them. Their culture must be preserved their system must be protected. The Druze are also demanding autonomy. They are all Druze, there are no outsiders among them. Their uniqueness and identity must be respected. You cannot force them into a centralized state. You cannot bring in outsiders and impose them on the Druze. The Druze must be able to govern themselves within a system that is connected to the state. This must be developed. If it is not, even if they have the whole world behind them, stability will not be achieved in Syria. They think that because sanctions against them have been lifted, they can now do whatever they want.
You cannot build a system without gaining legitimacy in the eyes of your own people. Was it not Iran and Russia who supported the Ba’ath regime? Where are they now? This issue is not about who stands behind you or who does not. If you lack internal legitimacy, if you do not establish a social contract with your own people, make peace with them, respect their will, their culture, and the country’s diversity, then you cannot speak of a system in Syria, nor can you build one. If it were possible, the Ba’ath regime would have succeeded. What happened to them? Russia and Iran stood behind them, they spent vast amounts of money. What came of it? They were overthrown in eight days. They disappeared without a trace. Why? Because the Syrian people did not accept them. If you repeat that same path, do not bother leaning on international powers. If you say, “Sanctions against me have been lifted, I can now conduct diplomacy, I can do whatever I want,” such approaches are unacceptable. First and foremost, you must be at peace with your own people, the people of Syria. Without that, this system has no chance of success.
To be continued…
Source: ANF News
